THERE ARE no files in Nebojsa Vujovic's bookcases, no computers in the ante-rooms of the Yugoslav ministry of foreign affairs. If Nato bombs this most elegant of Belgrade buildings, there will be no equipment to smash, no archives to burn. Mr Vujovic was Yugoslavia's man in Washington, charge d'affaires to the Federal Republic on the eve of Nato's bombardment. He knows the risks.
And he knows how to deflect the questions of devious journalists. Is Nato's bombardment not similar to the assault on Iraq in 1991, I ask. He has not time for such parallels. "In the case of Iraq, one state occupied the sovereign territory of another, Kuwait - Serbia has not done that. And Iraq launched missiles at Israel, Bahrain and Saudi Arabia. And Serbia has not done that .. We are a small European nation which has been attacked and is trying to protect its territorial integrity. Kosovo is part of the Serbian nation. It is the history of Serbia. Without a heart, we have no nation."
And there you have it. The entire Serb doctrine summed up in one crisp Vujovic paragraph. "Kosovo is Serbia's heart and no body can function without a heart," he adds - and he should know. Mr Vujovic, official spokesman for the Yugoslav foreign ministry, is from Kosovo and his anger is palpable. "My father and my whole family were expelled from Kosovo-Metohija in 1966. During the Second World War the ratio of population there was 60 per cent non-Albanians to 40 per cent Albanians. Then came the Italian occupation, when 175,000 Serbs moved out. And they were not allowed to return because Tito imposed martial law in 1947, forbidding the Serb refugees to return. Why? Because Tito dreamed of an even greater Balkan federation, including Albania."
History drifts across the office, an exclusively Serb history, but one which historians would not all dispute. In 1942 Serb sources recorded 100,000 Serbs fleeing Albanian attacks. After the war Tito's adviser, Edvard Kardelj - not Tito - told the central committee "the best solution would be if Kosovo were to be united with Albania but it must remain a compact province within the framework of Serbia." Census figures suggest the Serb decline after Tito's 1966 reversal of anti-Albanian policies was 50,000 rather than the 200,000 now publicised by Serb newspapers. But Mr Vujovic goes further: "About 250,000 Serbs were expelled between 1966 and 1981. And after the Albanians took over the complete administration in Kosovo another 250,000 Serbs were expelled."
With history like this at his elbow, it is not surprising Mr Vujovic has no time for stories of Albanian refugees flocking across the frontiers of Macedonia, Albanian and Montenegro with stories of execution and looting.
The Kosovo Liberation Army - the "terrorists" for Mr Vujovic, who uses the word as frequently as the Israelis - had expected Nato to be its cover in its war against the Serbs of Kosovo. "Their fighters have been created by the Americans. How could the terrorist animal [Hashem] Thaqi become a friend of Madeleine Albright [US Secretary of State]? Someone raised their status overnight. Why? They had already killed Albanian leaders who wanted to follow a peaceful path."
It is time for Ibrahim Rugova, the moderate Albanian leader, to make his entrance and, sure enough, Mr Vujovic sympathises with "loyal" Albanians who became "collaborators" in the eyes of the KLA. Mr Rugova has a mandate to lead Albanians. Yes, says Mr Vujovic, Mr Rugova met President Slobodan Milosevic after the Nato bombardment began, yes, he signed an agreement - which is why Nato pretended the meeting was a fraud. "Nato wants to pretend these meetings did not take place. They do not want a political milieu to flourish."
So did Mr Rugova demand an end to Nato bombing after his meeting with Mr Milosevic - as Serb television said - or a peaceful solution, which is not the same thing? Mr Vujovic hands me a document dated 1 April, printed by the "directorate of information". Messrs Rugova and Milosevic met in Belgrade, it says, noting "that the problems could be resolved and on a lasting basis solely by political means." There is no reference to Nato. The paper carries the names of Mr Rugova and Mr Milosevic. Is there any chance, I ask, to see Mr Rugova to chat about this meeting. Perhaps it can be arranged, Mr Vujovic says. I suggest a meeting. Mr Vujovic says he will see what he can do. The Independent is waiting.
But Mr Vujovic is not finished. "Why is Nato turning Kosovo-Metohija into a global war? Because if you prove Nato's credentials in Kosovo-Metohija, you will have reason to celebrate its 50th anniversary of global policing. But Kosovo-Metohija is Serbian and we will fight and continue to fight and continue to fight." The repetition is intended. Turks, Bulgarians, Germans, Italians. Had not Serbia defeated all its occupiers?
And then, suddenly, I am introduced to the multi-ethnic Kosovo that every Serbian wants. "Kosovo without both Serbs and Albanians is no solution. It must remain a multi-ethnic place as part of Serbia. Rugova had tried to introduce a republic through the back door - a separate assembly, a separate judiciary and after three years a 'final status', 'based on the will of the Kosovo people'. Come on, we're not so naive! The citizens of this country should come back to Kosovo. They should not be in other countries. And Serbia could then reduce some of its forces (in Kosovo)."
So all is for the best, it seems, in the best of all possible worlds. The Kosovo Albanians can return to their homes and the disciplined, professional Serb police forces can be reduced in strength while Mr Milosevic and Mr Rugova talk peace. No wonder the Serbs ask why they are being bombed.